Yosef Haim Brenner - Wikipedia. Yosef Haim Brenner (1. Yosef Haim Brenner (Hebrew: . He studied at a yeshiva in Pochep, and published his first story, Pat Lechem (. Two years later, when the Russo- Japanese War broke out, he deserted. He was initially captured, but escaped to London with the help of the General Jewish Labor Bund, which he had joined as a youth. In 1. 90. 5, he met the Yiddish writer Lamed Shapiro.
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- Yosef Haim Brenner (Hebrew:
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Brenner lived in an apartment in Whitechapel, which doubled as an office for Ha. Me'orer, a Hebrew periodical that he edited and published in 1. In 1. 92. 2, Asher Beilin published Brenner in London about this period in Brenner's life. Brenner married Chaya, with whom he had a son, Uri.
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He worked as a farmer, eager to put his Zionist ideology into practice. Gordon, however, he could not take the strain of manual labor, and soon left to devote himself to literature and teaching at the Gymnasia Herzliya in Tel Aviv. According to biographer Anita Shapira, he suffered from depression and problems of sexual identity. With Modern Hebrew still in its infancy, Brenner improvised with an intriguing mixture of Hebrew, Aramaic, Yiddish, English and Arabic. In his attempt to portray life realistically, his work is full of emotive punctuation and ellipses. Robert Alter, in the collection Modern Hebrew Literature, writes that Brenner .
Kibbutz. Givat Brenner was also named for him, while kibbutz Revivim was named in honour of his magazine. The Brenner Prize, one of Israel's top literary awards, is named for him. Press, 1. 97. 1; Philadelphia, JPS, 1. London, The Toby Press.
WOMEN'S WRITING The Genesis of Women's Hebrew Literature. Only recently has it become known that the history of women's writing in Hebrew literature starts in the mid-19 th century, during the Haskalah period.
It was published in Warsaw 1. Yosef Haim Brenner: A Life. California: Stanford University Press. Yosef Haim Brenner: A Biography (Brenner: Sippur hayim), Anita Shapira, Am Oved (in Hebrew)Yosef Haim Brenner: Background, David Patterson, Ariel: A Quarterly Review of Arts and Letters in Israel, vol.
Hebrew Literature, Modern. The entry is arranged according to the following outline: For the purposes of this article the term modern Hebrew literature designates belles lettres written in Hebrew during the modern period of Jewish history.
The definition is more limited than the generally accepted notion that modern Hebrew literature includes everything written in Hebrew during the modern period (e. Y. F. Lachower, Toledot ha- Sifrut ha- Ivrit ha- . Klausner, Historyah shel ha- Sifrut ha- Ivrit ha- . This view has some validity concerning Hebrew letters written before 1. Hebrew authors, in addition to belles lettres, wrote historical or philosophical works, journalistic articles, and even popular science, all of which were generally held to be . However while the influence of these types of literary endeavors in modern Hebrew literature must be taken into account by the historian, they are not in themselves an integral part of it.
The development of modern Hebrew literature represents an almost unique phenomenon in world literature. It is now generally assumed that Hebrew ceased being the spoken language of most Palestinian Jews even before the close of the biblical period, albeit evidence exists that small pockets of Hebrew speakers persisted even in the mishnaic period. In the Middle Ages, it became leshon ha- kodesh (. Side by side with these religious works a secular or quasi- secular literature also developed – in Spain, Provence, and Italy. By the time modern Hebrew literature began, however, this literature was on the wane, even in Italy, its last stronghold. Moreover, modern Hebrew is, on the whole, the work of Ashkenazi Jewry and among them secular literature rarely appeared before modern times.
Hebrew was not only the literary language of medieval Jewry but also served as its lingua franca. Nevertheless, it had to be rendered flexible before it could adequately be used as a language to depict modern life. The literary problem created by the radical difference between Hebrew and Yiddish, which most of the Hebrew writers and readers spoke, became crucial with the rise of realism on the Hebrew literary scene. It was difficult to write in Hebrew realistic dialogue which was spoken in another tongue. To some degree, too, the command of Hebrew was a class phenomenon. Large segments of the Jewish working class never attained sufficient competence in the language. It is therefore no accident that as Yiddish literature developed at the close of the 1.
Hebrew literature. Moreover, it was natural that Hebrew would become the vehicle of the Zionist movement, while Yiddish, the language of the Diaspora, was that of Jewish movements which were Diaspora orientated. On the other hand, it would be oversimplifying matters to claim that the Yiddish- speaking masses were capable of understanding many of the sophisticated modernist poets and writers of fiction who were the proponents of Yiddish literature in its heyday. In any society most significant literature has always been and is still produced and read by the educated segment.
Unlike the authors of many . As modern Hebrew literature developed, the classical tradition proved to be a mixed blessing. Writers were overwhelmed particularly by the literary excellence of the Bible and often became discouraged in the face of its achievement.
It is, however, to the credit of contemporary Hebrew writers that this is no longer a major problem. Without abandoning its classics, Hebrew writing is no longer frustrated by them.
From a statistical point of view Hebrew is a minor literature. It is currently estimated that there are approximately seven million people who speak Hebrew, of whom the large majority are either children or semiliterates in the language (including both poorly educated Israel natives and the very large number of immigrants who are highly educated but read European languages).
Hebrew bestsellers have a circulation of 1. Hebrew poetry on the other hand is read by a comparatively large group of Israelis and dozens of volumes of verse are published annually. The interplay of Russian, Polish, English, French, and German literatures with Hebrew literature has greatly enriched the Hebrew literary scope and has given it its special flavor. Scholars disagree as to when modern Hebrew literature actually began. There are generally two schools of thought: (1) those who adhere to Gershom *Scholem's views and consider the disruption of the medieval authority of the Jewish community in the wake of the Shabbatean debacle at the close of the 1.
Simon Halkin, Modern Hebrew Literature (1. German Haskalah (see below) of the latter half of the 1. J. Klausner; Historyah etc.; B. Kurzweil, Sifrutenu ha- .
Shapiro, Toledot ha- Sifrut ha- Ivrit ha- . Bialik, Shalom Streit, N. Slouschz, and Avraham Shaanan). Scholem's thesis explains the inner causes which ultimately led to the development of the .
However, the secularism which clearly identifies the modern period first received significant literary expression in Germany during the Enlightenment (for contrary opinions see B. Kurzweil, Ba- Ma'avak al Erkhei ha- Yahadut (1. Shapiro, Toledot ha- Sifrut ha- Ivrit ha- . Luzzatto's world view however was not modern. He was a kabbalist and the bulk of his works were religious and mystical.
His poetics too are clearly based on medieval notions; Leshon Limmudim (1. Quintilian. Moreover, while he influenced David *Franco- Mendes during his stay in Holland, his plays were not known to the early German Hebrew authors. Historians also disagree as to the periodization of modern Hebrew literature. Lachower follows a geographical- chronological pattern in the first two volumes of his history: (1) . In volume 3 he shifts to a conceptual definition: . He argues unconvincingly that a fourth period, characterized by an apocalyptic vision of national sovereignty, begins with Uri .
The schemes of Klausner and Lachower are faulty because they treat early modern Hebrew literature as a mature literature when in reality it possessed little aesthetic value prior to 1. Most of the authors were provincial, used a cumbersome language, and hardly had acquired the European education and the standards of judgment which they were avidly seeking. Their works must therefore be considered as precursors of a literature which was to reach maturity only at the close of the 1. The following scheme reflects more accurately the periodization of modern Hebrew literature: I. The European Period (1. Haskalah Literature: the beginnings of modern Hebrew literature in Europe (1. The German Haskalah (1.
The Galician Haskalah (1. The Russian Haskalah (1. Modern Hebrew Literature in Europe: in Russia and Poland (1. II. The Israel Period (1. The first center of modern Hebrew literature developed in Prussia (particularly in the cities of Berlin and Koenigsberg) among the new Jewish merchant and managerial class, which had risen to social and economic prominence during the latter half of the 1. This new class discovered in the ideology of the German Aufklaerung (.
It would also support their demand for social and political rights in a society which judged a man's worth by his ability and not by his origins. They believed that the realization of this ideology would transform the Jews into productive and enlightened citizens of the emerging modern state. When the Hebrew writers of Germany began propagating the .
Etymologically haskalah is derived from the root . Haskalah meant a commitment to reason rather than to revelation as the source of all truth, or, perhaps more correctly, the identification of revelation with reason. The maskilim averred that the practices, beliefs, and mores of Judaism and Jews must be in consonance with reason and that those which were not were basically not Jewish but distortions of the lofty purposes of Judaism. The maskilim chose as a model the enlightened gentile merchant class which had accepted good taste and reason as its two social criteria. Their world view included not only the realms of science and philosophy but also the whole area of social behavior and aesthetics. Jews must not only abandon their medieval patterns of thought but also their outlandish manners, dress, and taste and adopt those which are in accord with the new order of things. The task of the maskil was lehaskil (.
For the maskil, education was not only the tool for the dissemination of the new truth but formed the very basis of his aesthetic theory. The prime purpose of literature was to educate the reader morally, socially, and aesthetically. Haskalah literature was therefore didactic and propagandist, aiming at bringing enlightenment to the .
The Yiddish dialects had no literary prestige at the time and were especially repugnant to maskilim who considered Yiddish to be a vulgar and ungrammatical corruption of German. Yiddish identified and isolated Jews from the general culture and underscored their cultural inferiority. On the other hand, Hebrew was not only the classical language of Judaism and the written language of its educated classes, but it also enjoyed enormous prestige in the non- Jewish world as the language of the Bible. Since educated and intelligent Jews of the old school could not read German, Hebrew served as the medium through which not only ideas of the Haskalah were disseminated but also, by means of appropriate translations and textbooks, as a vehicle to acquire German, the modern language most accessible to them. A major literary enterprise of the German Haskalah was the Biur (publ.
German translation in Hebrew characters of the Pentateuch which was supplemented with a modern commentary in Hebrew (see Translations of *Bible). Thousands of Jews learned German through the Biur.
The most significant personage of the German Haskalah, Moses *Mendelssohn, wrote mainly in German. In his literary and philosophical works he attempted to harmonize traditional Judaism with the new rationalist- deistic philosophy of his times.